Japan Hotel Association, Hotels in Japan (1915, 1). Personal Collection
Ryokan, hotel, yado, Japanese inn, tea house — in name, and on the ground, it was often difficult to distinguish between different categories of tourist accommodation in Japan. Partly this was due to issues of translation between Japanese and English, and negotiations between Edo-period ideas and institutions and Meij-period imports; yet also, the Anglophone tourist world, from which many tourists and guidebook authors hailed, saw an analogous fluidity in names and categories of hostelry in the nineteenth century (cf. James et al. 2017). Hori Tatsunosuke’s (堀 達之助) A Pocket Dictionary of the English and Japanese Language (Ei–Wa taiyaku shūchin jisho 英和対訳袖珍辞書, 1862) translated “hotel” as kakusha (客舎, glossed in kana as yadoya), drawing no distinction between hotels and other types of commercial hostelry. W.E.L. Keeling’s Tourists’ Guide (1880) used “hotel” to refer to structures with “matted rooms” and “native style[s]” of welcome and service (5–6). Even when the hotel appeared in new regulations on inns and businesses in 1888, it was grouped with ryokan in the category of ryojin yado (旅人宿, traveler accommodation); and it was not until 1930, when the Board of Tourist Industry brought forward a petition from the Japan Hotel Association (est. 1909) to the Police Department, that any kind of formal distinction was made on paper.
Nevertheless, from an early point, tourism service providers and their customers developed a shared conception of the “hotel” as something new, something modern, and (at first, at least) something Western.
In Kyoto, the first hostelries targeting foreign guests were established from the advent of inbound tourism in the exposition of 1872. Initially, this occurred through a process of “creative reuse” — to employ Alice Y. Tseng’s (2018, 27) useful phrase — rather than a large-scale redevelopment, with temple buildings and inns in the Higashiyama area especially being redesigned and refitted. In the 1890s, purpose-built grand hotels started to be opened.
Western-style hotels were at the centre of the tourist experience of the city. They shaped how travelers approached Kyoto and how they moved around it. They offered a space to rest and recuperate, to consume familiar food and drinks, to have clothes laundered and shoes shined, to buy souvenirs, and so on; and hotels also facilitated sightseeing through guide and transport services, and tourist information.
Kyoto — like Tokyo, Nikko, and other destinations outside the treaty ports — deviated from the pattern of “hotels built by foreigners for foreigners” (Nihon Hoteru Kyōkai 2009, 46) prevalent in Yokohama, Kobe, and Nagasaki during the early to mid-Meiji period. From the beginning, hostelries targeting the foreign market were built, owned, remodeled and managed, as well as staffed, by Japanese; some of these entrepreneurs and proprietors were born in Kyoto but others came from elsewhere in Japan. In addition to the inbound tourist trade, hotels were used by local people for a diverse range of social and cultural events from soon after opening, and, especially from the 1910s, domestic travellers on trips to Kyoto.
What were typically termed “Japanese inns” in guidebooks — the nascent sociocultural category of “ryokan” — were marketed to foreigners from the beginning of the Meiji period but primarily as a subordinate form of accommodation.
This began to change in the late 1920s and 1930s, after a lengthy period of reforms in service styles and facilities that was led from the top, by official agencies such as Japan Tourist Bureau and, later, the Board of Tourist Industry. From this period, ryokan were promoted as a repository of traditional Japanese values, and an obligatory experience for all serious travelers to the country.
This shift in the status and meaning of the ryokan occurred across Japan; nevertheless, as a result of Kyoto’s newly developed identity as the “old capital,” ryokan in the city were given a particularly important role in cultural preservation.
A.F. Thomas, "Let's Put up at a Japanese Inn," Tourist (October 1939, 15)
By 1937, Kyoto had more hostelries per capita than every other major city in Japan: 0.53 per household, compared to 0.32 in Osaka and 0.28 in Tokyo. Most of these were used almost exclusively by domestic tourists; nevertheless, for the Kyoto City Tourism Bureau, the quantity (and quality) of accommodation was clear evidence of Kyoto’s status as Japan’s “Number One Tourist City” (Kyōto-shi Sangyō-bu Kankō-ka 1936, 38).
Follow the links below to find out more information about the main hostelries serving the inbound tourist market from the 1870s to 1941.